Alexis Wellwood · More
895 Defense
I consider two analyses of the syntax-semantics of cross-categorial constructions with more. The first view (held in the literature) posits that more is interpreted as a degree quantifier fed degrees by a heterogeneous collection of measure functions. The second view (the one I propose) interprets more as a two-place relation between degrees, uniformly provided by a single measure function MUCH. A number of empirical and theoretical arguments are leveled to distinguish these views. I show ...