Events

This study aims to reveal the structure of two different Numeral Classifier (NC) constructions in Korean. First, I show that NC constructions involve massive phrase movement of intermediate projections of a noun phrase. Then, I show that in Korean, there is a restriction on which material within a noun phrase involving NC can be moved. I present a novel argument that this restriction on scrambling follows from a theory of cyclic linearization (Fox & Pesetsky 2005 and Ko 2007). I argue that in Korean, DPs are phases and hence the linear order established within DP must be preserved in higher phasal domains. In this way, the difference in mobility of a noun phrase in NC constructions in Korean provide further evidence for the theory of cyclic linearization.