I consider two analyses of the syntax-semantics of cross-categorial constructions with more. The first view (held in the literature) posits that more is interpreted as a degree quantifier fed degrees by a heterogeneous collection of measure functions. The second view (the one I propose) interprets more as a functional relation between a degree and a measurement provided by a single measure function MUCH. A number of empirical and theoretical arguments are leveled to distinguish these views. I show that the major conceptual advantage of adopting the second view is that all measurement in comparatives is monotonic. A potentially significant empirical advantage is the relative ease of handling adjectival modification in comparatives.