This thesis attempts to assimilate head movement as far as possible to phrasal movement and deduce stipulated differences between them from general principles that regulate syntactic operations. In particular, I argue (i) that a distributional difference between these two types of movement can be explained by the interaction between a locality constraint and an anti-locality constraint to which syntactic movement operations are subject and (ii) that UG allows head-movement via substitution as well as head movement via adjunction. Furthermore, I argue that by eliminating stipulated differences between head movement and phrasal movement, we can reduce crosslinguistic variations in the possibility of what I will call headless XP-movement and headless XP-ellipsis to parameters that are responsible for the possible number of specifiers. In addition to this, I propose a movement analysis of ellipsis in order to account for a generalization about headless XP-ellipsis. For this purpose, this dissertation discusses a number of syntactic phenomena: nominative object constructions in Japanese, long head movement constructions in Slavic and Romance languages, multiple topicalization in Germanic languages, predicate cleft constructions in Hebrew, Polish, Brazilian Portuguse, and Yiddish, remnant VP-fronting constructions in Polish, a difference between VP-ellipsis and pseudo-gapping in English, null object constructions in Hebrew, Tagalog, Russian, European Portuguese, Japanese, Bantu languages, Persian, and Serbo-Croatian, and yes/no reply constructions in Irish and Finnish.