Events

Abstract: Contrary to Chomsky's (1995) proposal on the generalized pied-piping, Ura (2001) proposes that it is constrained by an economy condition such that a formal feature cannot be pied-piped as a free rider if there is an intervening matching feature. Given the condition, when an object moves to a domain of CP across an intervening subject with phi-features, it cannot pied-pipe its phi-features to the landing site. Thus, with the condition, it is predicted that (i) a moved object can pied-pipe its phi-features to a domain of CP only if a subject is not an intervener. In some Bantu languages, a complementizer agrees in class with a preceding XP when the XP is fronted, which is called wh-agreement. Given that wh-agreement in the languages is established via Spec-Head agreement or XP's c-commanding the agreement Head (Baker 2008), a presence of wh-agreement in the languages suggests that the fronted DP retains its phi-features in a domain of CP. In this study, I will show that wh-agreement phenomena in the Bantu languages, Lubukusu, Kilega, and Kinande, follow the prediction (i).